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Farmerettes

On October 19, 2026, a provincial plaque was unveiled at the Lincoln Community Hub in the Town of Lincoln. The plaque was then permanently installed in Charles Daley Park following the ceremony.

The bilingual plaque reads as follows:

FARMERETTES

To address labour shortages during and after the Second World War, the provincial government created the Ontario Farm Service Force (OFSF) to enlist citizens to contribute to the war effort. From 1941-52, an estimated 40,000 young women, aged 16-18, from across Ontario’s secondary schools joined the OFSF’s Farmerette Brigade, with the motto “We Lend a Hand”. They performed essential seasonal agricultural work, much like during the First World War. Whether they joined for patriotism or adventure, they played a vital role in keeping food production running smoothly. Farmerettes were housed in dozens of camps across Niagara Region and Southwestern Ontario, on or near the farms and orchards where they worked long, physically demanding days, earning 25-50 cents an hour. Older women served as Labour Secretaries and Camp Mothers to oversee their scheduling, health, safety and nutrition. With ongoing postwar farm labour shortages, young women continued this critical work until 1952, when new immigration programs provided labour to meet the demand. Farmerettes learned important civic lessons in building communities, financial management and the urban-rural relationship. They were central to food security at a critical moment and made significant contributions to the agricultural sector of the provincial economy.

BRIGADE DES AGRICULTRICES

Face à la pénurie de main-d’œuvre pendant et après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le gouvernement provincial crée la Force des ouvriers agricoles de l’Ontario (FOAO) pour associer les citoyens à l’effort de guerre. De 1941 à 1952, quelque 40 000 jeunes femmes âgées de 16 à 18 ans et issues d’écoles secondaires de tout l’Ontario rejoignent la Brigade des agricultrices de la FOAO, dans le cadre de la campagne « We Lend a Hand » (Nous prêtons main-forte). Elles effectuent des travaux agricoles saisonniers essentiels, comme cela s’était fait durant la Première Guerre mondiale. Qu’elles s’engagent par patriotisme ou par goût de l’aventure, elles jouent un rôle majeur dans la production alimentaire. Elles sont logées dans des dizaines de camps situés dans la région de Niagara et le Sud-Ouest de l’Ontario, au sein ou à proximité d’exploitations agricoles ou de vergers où elles effectuent de longues journées de travail harassantes pour un salaire allant de 25 à 50 cents de l’heure. Des femmes plus âgées (secrétaires à la main-d’œuvre et « mères de camp ») supervisent l’organisation du travail, la santé, la sécurité et l’alimentation des agricultrices. La pénurie de main-d’œuvre agricole persistant après la guerre, les jeunes femmes poursuivent leur travail jusqu’en 1952, avant que de nouveaux programmes d’immigration viennent répondre aux besoins. Elles acquièrent d’importantes compétences civiques concernant le développement communautaire, la gestion financière et les relations villes-campagnes. Elles joueront un rôle décisif dans la sécurité alimentaire à une période critique et contribueront grandement au secteur agricole de la province.

Historical background

Farmerettes were teenage girls in Ontario who, from 1941-52, performed seasonal agricultural work. Initially recruited to replace male field workers who were unavailable to work during the Second World War, approximately 40,000 teenaged girls performed essential work following their recruitment to the Ontario Farm Service Force (OFSF). Beginning in the spring of each year, these workers were hired to plant, cultivate and harvest vegetables and fruits. Operating like a female land army, the young women were part of a larger campaign to enlist citizens in patriotic work that made important contributions to the war effort.1

The farmerette slogan, “We Lend a Hand,” was evocative of the support roles that women played in a variety of industries, volunteer organizations and women’s auxiliaries of the armed forces. While men were perceived to be the most important recruits to the war effort, their absence from industrial and agricultural sectors meant that women were called upon to fill the labour shortages after men enlisted.

Housing for farmerettes was provided in a series of “camps” on or near the farms and orchards where they worked — with accommodations including barns and other outbuildings, tents and repurposed community centres and schools. Older women recruited by the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) served as Camp Mothers, overseeing the health, nutrition and social needs of the workers.2 Girls worked eight to 10 hours per day, six days a week, earning 25 to 50 cents per hour (minus expenses for room and board), with the chance to earn more based on their harvesting skill and speed.

Two regions received the majority of the farmerettes: the Niagara Region, where fruit growing is a dominant part of the agricultural economy, and Southwestern Ontario, where significant market gardening crops were grown. There were dozens of these camps across the province, the first ones established in 1941 in the Niagara Region, including camps for young women employed on the Schenck Farm near St. Catharines.3 In 1947, the list of farm camps employing girls included Beamsville, Clarkson, Clovelly, Cooksville, Cottam, Fenwick, Gregory, Huttonville, Jordan, Kingsville, Nixon Hall, Oakville, Queenston, Riverview, St. Catharines, St. Davids, Saltfleet, Thedford, Vineland and Waterford, with several camps on that list reporting six years of operation.4

While the farmerettes wore sensible work clothing for their labours in the fields and orchards, they also had off-duty uniforms that were intended to signal their role as direct participants in essential war work.5 Work clothing designed specifically for farmerettes was advertised by the Eaton’s department store in Toronto newspapers, with details about sizes and prices.6 When they travelled off the farms and outside the camps where they lived, farmerettes did not always wear the full uniform, but they were encouraged at least to wear badges with the OFSF logo to indicate that they were part of the provincial war effort.7

Farmerettes were central to wartime food security, making significant contributions to the agricultural sector of the provincial economy. When farm labourers were still difficult to find after the war, farmerettes continued to perform this critical work until 1952, when significant numbers of immigrant families had arrived as new Canadians to meet the labour demand. In a postwar report arguing for the continuation of these farm labour programs for youth, provincial authorities insisted that living in these camps fostered positive outcomes for postwar society:

“While the camp organization was primarily set up as a method of supplying farm labour a more significant thing that has come from it has been a practical experiment and demonstration of Democracy [sic] in action. Distinct gains for the young people engaged in it were health, learning the value of money, work habits, an experience of urban rural relationship among many other educational values.”8

Any program that could boast such important civics lessons was sure to win support in the postwar period when worries about juvenile delinquency were ubiquitous.

Created to address wartime labour shortages that resulted from young men enlisting in the armed forces, and to meet the demands for food both domestically and for Great Britain and Canada’s European allies, one might question why farmerettes’ work went on for seven years after the end of the war.

The continuation can be explained by several factors. First, when men returned from service, they took up the opportunities offered to them through the Veterans’ Charter, including post-secondary education and preferred mortgage rates to acquire real estate.9 As such, lower-paid agricultural work did not appeal to veterans, and young women continued to perform this essential work. Second, with the arrival of new Canadians who took up farming, especially those arriving from the Netherlands, young Ontario schoolgirls were made redundant. At the same time, the baby boom that dominated Ontario’s demographic trends in the early 1950s provides a third explanation. The postwar age of marriage for young women was declining. It was common for young women to be married before the age of 20 and to start families immediately after secondary school; indeed, many teenage girls left school to accept marriage proposals instead of looking for paid employment.10

Farmerettes were recruited through their secondary schools, in co-operation with the provincial Department of Education, and their work was monitored by the federal Department of Labour as part of the war effort. It was one example of the kind of concerted war effort that was typical of the war years, facilitated in this case by the Ontario Interdepartmental Committee, and aligned with the Dominion-Provincial Youth Training Program. There were also high levels of co-operation for the war effort from non-government bodies, especially women’s groups, including the Women’s Institutes (WI), a provincial organization created for the benefit of rural women’s education, sociability and civic involvement.11 The WI encouraged enlistment in the farmerettes, and many of the farming enterprises would have had ties to the WI. But the most direct involvement of a women’s group with the farmerette program came from the YWCA, which played a central role with the farmerettes because their national councils undertook to provide supervision and staffing for the camps where farmerettes were housed.

The OFSF, with farmerettes as one branch of its work, was a division of the Ontario Department of Agriculture developed in co-operation with the Dominion-Provincial Farm Labour Committee to support the total war effort. Young women aged 16 years and older were recruited to do the work of planting, cultivating and harvesting food crops because of a labour shortage resulting from men enlisting in the armed forces. To address the time-sensitive seasonal work of food production and harvest, female secondary school students were offered incentives to sign up, including exemption from writing final examinations if they committed to at least 13 weeks of work. For their work, the women were paid hourly (and sometimes for piece work), offered free transportation (if they stayed on the job for a minimum number of weeks) and were provided with accommodations and meals at a rate of $4.50 per week. This was an attractive option for teenage women, especially for those who lived in northern parts of the province where few other opportunities for paid work existed. Many farmerettes described the hard work as an adventure, camp life as a fun way to pass the summer months in the company of their peers, and farm life as a way to learn firsthand about the agricultural sector.12

The farmerette program was only one arm of the OFSF, which also included:

Originally, the OFSF hoped to recruit 10,000 workers in 1942, but that year the response was more than double with 23,041 signing up. By the end of the Second World War, 35,000 people were enrolled in farm service, working on 54 different farms.13 The Farmerette Brigade was the largest division of this labour pool with an estimated 40,000 women serving over the life of the program, which extended until 1952.

Oral history interviews with farmerettes emphasize the hard work, good fun and sense of adventure that these young women enjoyed.14 Farmerette experiences were captured through a series of letters prompted by one of their peers, Shirleyan English, who ran an ad in several rural papers in the 1990s asking for former farmerettes to write to her with their memories. She received over 300 replies in response. English stored the letters away but did not do anything immediately with them. Renewed interest in farmerette experiences emerged when author Bonnie Sitter’s curiosity was piqued upon finding some old family photographs belonging to her in-laws that included farmerettes, something Sitter previously knew nothing about. She decided to publish a call for information about farmerettes and English responded. What followed was a collaboration between Sitter and English, leading to the publication of a book, Onion Skins and Peach Fuzz: Memories of Ontario’s Farmerettes (2019). Several years later, the two collaborated again with filmmakers who arranged for video interviews with elderly farmerettes. That effort led to the creation of an award-winning documentary entitled We Lend a Hand: The Forgotten Story of the Ontario Farmerettes (Albireo Films, 2024). Sitter’s work in promoting the farmerette story captured the attention of Senator Robert Black, who supported the creation of a commemorative postage stamp issued the same year.15

It is important to balance these celebratory versions of the farmerette story with the official and administrative records that are housed in the provincial archives. To understand the larger historical significance of farmerettes, it is important to understand the narrative of their experiences in context of Ontario’s rural history, as well as women’s and youth history, to demonstrate how those themes are tied to larger trends within Ontario’s wartime and postwar society. Indeed, this is part of a larger national history as well.

Canadian historians who have considered women’s war work have not overlooked the farmerettes completely, though there are only a few academic publications on the topic. Farmerettes from the 1940s were not the first young Ontario women to serve in this way. Farmerettes existed in the First World War as well, but in that war, they were somewhat older; many of the farmerettes were students at the University of Toronto. The urban recruits who did this work in the Great War were driven in part by their middle- and upper-class cultural emphasis on using their privilege to make contributions toward societal improvement, even before wartime necessity saw them enlisting for this agricultural war work. As professor and Farmerette expert Margaret Kechnie has argued, however, these women were not passive about offering their labour, and patriotism and benevolence were only part of what motivated them.16 These more well-to-do women resented the meagre pay they were offered, and the spartan living conditions they endured, especially in the summer of 1917 before improvements to the pay system and the accommodations were undertaken the following year. Even so, many women did not make a profit from their wages, given the cost of their travel to the farms and the room and board they were required to pay. Kechnie reminds us that while these articulate university women were vocal in lodging their complaints, their experiences as temporary agricultural workers disguise the fact that local rural women had long been involved in many aspects of agricultural work on their own and neighbouring farms, including the fruit harvest that farmerettes were hired to do in the Niagara Region.17

Writing about farmerettes in the Second World War, Sheila Hanlon argues that the work Ontario farmerettes performed was not uncommon for rural women who have always contributed to their family farming enterprises, though it was not traditional for urban women and girls to participate.18 Rural women’s labour on farms has been longstanding, and the work of other historians reinforces Hanlon’s argument about gendered divisions of labour on farms, where field, barn and livestock work was traditionally gendered male and house, garden, dairying and poultry work was gendered female.19 What was noteworthy about the farmerettes is that the recruits were mostly not from rural backgrounds and they were not performing the work as part of their own family economies.

As Hanlon has noted, the farmerette program was highly gendered and the norms and expectations that were placed on recruits reflected the norms and values of the day. Newspaper depictions of farmerettes were steeped in these gender norms, with photographs emphasizing that while they dressed as labourers and performed demanding physical labour in the fields, farmerettes were equated with “pin-up girls” and noted for their beauty.20 A 1942 media account overtly pointed to farmerettes’ physical attractiveness as a means of attracting young male workers to agricultural labour.21 In some communities, farmerette beauty pageants were held.22

Emphasizing physical beauty and encouraging gender conformity to heteronormative behaviour was typical of this period.23 As part of the OFSF protocols, the handbooks created for camp mothers emphasize that farmerettes’ behaviours, attitudes and leisure activities were closely monitored to ensure their safety, but also to reinforce societal expectations for teenagers during this period when fears about juvenile delinquency were heightened.24 Camp mothers were expected to ensure that farmerettes were not engaging in behaviours of which their families and communities would not approve, and that they were observing curfews strictly. Disciplinary measures were spelled out to camp mothers about how to manage girls who were deemed disruptive to camp life or who had inappropriate encounters with male farmhands or nearby army personnel. The most serious consequence was dismissal and being sent home at one’s own expense.25 Absenteeism also fell to the camp mother to oversee. Weekly paperwork was filed by each camp to report grocery purchases using individual ration cards, the number of meals served, the hours worked, reports of absenteeism and other delinquent behaviour. Camp mothers were provided with health resources, including instructions about first aid, prevention of polio and physical exercises, including a handout “How to Be Fit for Farming.” Information about menstrual health emphasized the patriotic imperative for young women to manage monthly pain so they could report for work without interruption.26

Schemes for co-operative insurance to provide coverage in case of medical expenses or farm accidents were available to farmers with each farmerette contributing a small amount to the plan to cover doctors’ services or hospitalization. The need for such insurance schemes became evident in the first year of the farmerette program when a local newspaper reported, “Farmerette Breaks Leg.”27 As the insurance program was established, rules about making claims were developed, including how to determine whether an illness or injury resulted from the farm work or was a pre-existing condition.28

The idea of women performing non-traditional “men’s jobs” during the war was a controversial trend that garnered much public concern, especially as they donned uniforms to participate in women’s auxiliaries of the armed forces and serve overseas.29 Perhaps even more concerning to some was the challenge to existing gender roles that resulted from women pulling on overalls for work, including production roles in munitions factories and surface jobs at mines.30 Canadians worried that after enjoying well-paid work outside the home, women might abandon their traditional feminine roles as wives, homemakers and mothers. Historians have traced and debated the long-term impact of these new roles that women took on, with some arguing that the “emancipation” women experienced was only short-lived , while others argued that this wartime work was significant as a precursor of trends that would follow the second-wave women’s movement, as women’s liberation emerged, arguing that “too much had changed for too many” to return fully to prewar norms.31 In hindsight, farmerettes’ own accounts of their work diminish such concerns by saying that they were only “doing our bit” or “lending a hand.”. But historians like Jeff Keshen beg to differ.

At the same time, long before the war ended, postwar planning was in full swing and as part of that work, Canadian thought leaders were concerned, not only about women, but about the country’s youth and the impact that war was having on their thinking about the future. The Canadian Youth Commission (CYC) was struck to make a comprehensive study of youth attitudes and desires among those aged 15-24 years old for the coming postwar years.32 In the end, the CYC commissioners were surprised to learn that the youth who responded to their questionnaires, focus groups and interviews were staunchly conservative in their views about social questions, especially on themes about marriage and family. Ontario farmerettes were situated firmly in this conservative wartime and postwar context.

The idea of women as young as 16 leaving their homes and schools to take up farm work was both praised and closely monitored. On the one hand, performing essential agricultural work to guarantee food security was the epitome of patriotism. A 1945 poem published in a local newspaper makes that point, ending with this stanza: “We can feed poor hungry Europe,/Get her once more on her feet!”33

On the other hand, the women themselves report that patriotism was not their main motivation, but rather that a quest for adventure away from their mothers’ watchful eyes (and the chance to skip their final, provincial exams at school) is what prompted them to sign up. The chance to travel to another part of the province, to earn their own money, to accompany friends who were also going and the chance to meet new friends proved to be highly motivating, despite the fact that most of them knew nothing about farm labour or field work. Recruiting hundreds of young women to live in group settings away from their families and communities’ watchful eyes required planning and close oversight. Camp mothers were equipped with handbooks of rules and regulations to follow in the case of necessary dismissal of a worker, either for poor work performance or for misconduct.34

Anxious parents need not have worried because the camps were very closely monitored. Many of the farmerettes report that, after their long workdays, they enjoyed harmless youthful fun playing games and listening to music with their co-workers, swimming or attending community dances. Indeed, parents and authorities need not have worried about their girls abandoning traditional feminine roles because many recount that they met their future husbands during those summers of farm work and eventually took up conventional lives as married women, conforming to society’s postwar expectations about gender roles.35

The contribution that farmerettes made, both to the war effort and provincial prosperity more broadly, should not be dismissed as just a happy tale of youthful summer adventures. Agriculture was (and is) a major driver of the Ontario economy and women’s part in that sector as producers and labourers was — and still is — significant. Farmerettes represent a little-known piece of Ontario history and the women who were part of it deserve wider recognition.

The Ontario Heritage Trust gratefully acknowledges the research of Dr. Linda Ambrose in the research and writing of this paper. The Trust further acknowledges the peer review of this paper by Carmela Patrias.

© Ontario Heritage Trust, 2026

1 Ruth Roach Pierson, Canadian Women and the Second World War. Canadian Historical Association Historical Booklet No. 37. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Review, 1983; Jeff Keshen, “Revisiting Canada’s Civilian Women During World War II,” Histoire social/Social History 30, 60 (November 1997): 239-266; Jennifer A. Stephen, Pick One Intelligent Girl: Employability, Domestication, and the Gendering of Canada’s Welfare State, 1939-1947 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007.

2 Ibid.

3 Schenk Farms & Greenhouses, “Our Story.”

4 Archives of Ontario (AO), OFSF, RG 16-20-0-2 Reports.

5 “Farmerettes Sport New Dress Uniforms, The Standard [St. Catharines], April 14, 1942, p. 1; “‘Farmerette Brigade’ Has Neat Blue Uniform,” Daily Standard-Freeholder [Cornwall], April 16, 1942, p. 8.

6 See, for example: “Our pretty farmerette picks a white tailored shirt of sturdy cotton, and ‘Carharts’ cotton overalls. Shirt, size 12 to 20, each 2.99, overalls size 14 to 22, pair 2.25.” “Fashion Wednesday – EATON’S,” Toronto Daily Star, Tuesday, January 26, 1945, p. 28.

7 Textile Patch [Badge]. Farm Service Force. Niagara-on-the-Lake Museum. 2018.004.001 https://notlmuseum.catalogaccess.com/objects/8025. The object description includes a photograph of the badge as well as background information about farmerettes and the Ontario Farm Service Force.

8 AO, OFSF, RG 16-20-0-2, Farm Service Reports, “Work of the Ontario Farm Service Force,” September 23, 1946.

9 Peter Neary and J.L. Granatstein, eds. The Veterans Charter and Post-World War II Canada. (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997).

10 Doug Owram, Born at the Right Time: A History of the Baby Boom Generation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996).

11 Linda M. Ambrose, For Home and Country: A Centennial History of the Women’s Institutes in Ontario (Erin, ON: Boston Mills Press, 1996).

12 Shirleyan English and Bonnie Sitter, Onion Skins and Peach Fuzz: Memories of Ontario Farmerettes (Altona, MB: Friesen Press, 2019). Reprinted 2024.

13 AO, OFSF, RG 16-20, Ontario Farm Service Force.

14 Albireo Films, We Lend a Hand: The Forgotten Story of Ontario Farmerettes. 60 min., 2025; and English and Sitter, Onion Skins and Peach Fuzz; Hazel Atkins, “Former Resident Telling the Story of the ‘Farmerettes.’” The Canadian Press, 05 December 2024.

15 Canada Post. Farmerettes and Soldiers of the Soil Commemorative Stamps, 2024. Retail site includes links to purchase the stamps as well as background information about wartime labour shortages and farmerettes.

16 Margaret Kechnie, “‘I’d Give Anything to Come Home’: The Farmerette Movement in Ontario During the First World War,” Ontario History. 113, 1 (Spring 2021): pp. 27-40.

17 Kechnie, “‘I’d Give Anything’”; and Catharine Anne Wilson, Being Neighbours: Cooperative Work and Rural Culture, 1830-1960 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2022).

18 Sheila C. Hanlon, Fair Soldiers of the Soil: Expressions of Gender Ideology Within the Women’s Division of the Ontario Farm Service Force, unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Guelph, 2002.

19 Monda Halpern, And on that farm, he had a Wife: Ontario Farm Women and Feminism, 1900-1970 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001); Ambrose, For Home and Country; Linda M. Ambrose, “Cartoons and Commissions: Advice to Postwar Rural Youth in Ontario,” Ontario History XCIII, 1 (Spring 2001): pp. 57-79. Reprinted in People, Places, and Times: Readings in Canadian Social History Volume 2: Post-Confederation. Cynthia R. Comacchio and Elizabeth Jane Errington, eds., pp. 278-93. Toronto: Thomas Nelson, 2006; and Wilson, Being Neighbours.

20 “Ontario Girls Go Haying,” Star Weekly Saturday, September 15, 1945, p. 39.

21 A Toronto newspaper suggested, “Now that the male help is falling off, the call for more and more women — and pretty girls — will be going out from Queen’s Park again this year for farm work … if we have girls next summer, as attractive as those in our farm-camps last year, well — not only would Johnny come marching back, but Freddy would fly home with wings … Hence the call for more and more farm help — including those pretty school girls!” “Pretty Farmerettes May Lure Lads Back,” Star Weekly Saturday, January 31, 1942, p. 6.

22 See, for example, “Miss Farmerette Queen 1942 Crowned,” The Standard, Monday, July 27, 1942, p. 3: “Not only for beauty of face and figure, but largely for her service, personality, and camp spirit, Miss Patricia Abbott, p. 18, of Forest Hill village, was chosen Miss Farmerette of 1942 at the St. Catharines armory Saturday night.”

23 Ambrose, “Cartoons and Commissions.”

24 AO, OFSF, RG 16-20-0-1, Ontario Farm Service Force, Camp Procedure Manuals, “Procedure for Guidance of Camp Staff Members,” 1950; Linda M. Ambrose, “Collecting Youth Opinion: The Research of the Canadian Youth Commission, 1943-1945.” In Dimensions of Childhood: Essays on the History of Children and Youth in Canada. Edited by Russell Smandych, Gordon Dodds, and Alvin Esau. Pp. 63-83. Winnipeg: Legal Research Institute of the University of Manitoba, 1991.

25 AO, OFSF, Camp Procedure Manuals.

26 AO, OFSF, Camp Procedure Manuals, “Hygiene for Working Women: Simple Rules for the Relief of Menstrual Pain.”

27 The account provided details that a 17-year-old worker who was stationed at the St. Davids camp, “fell from a ladder and suffered a compound fracture of the left leg. She is recovering in the Niagara Falls General hospital.” “Farmerette Breaks Leg,” The Standard [St. Catharines] Friday, June 27, 1941, p. 22.

28 AO, RG16-20-0-8, file: Farm Labour Co-op Ltd.

29 Pierson, Canadian Women and the Second World War; Canadian Historical Association Historical Booklet No. 37. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Review, 1983; Ruth Roach Pierson, “They’re Still Women After All”: The Second World War and Canadian Womanhood (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1986); Keshen, “Revisiting Canada’s Civilian Women”; Jeffrey A. Keshen, Saints, Sinners and Soldiers: Canada’s Second World War (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007); Stephen, Pick One Intelligent Girl.

30 Sandra Battaglini, “‘Don’t Go Down the Mine, Mamma!’ Women in Production Jobs at INCO During World War II, 1942-1945,” unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Laurentian University, 1996.

31 Keshen, Saints, Sinners and Soldiers.

32 Linda M. Ambrose, “Collecting Youth Opinion: The Research of the Canadian Youth Commission, 1943-1945,” in Dimensions of Childhood: Essays on the History of Children and Youth in Canada, Russell Smandych, Gordon Dodds, and Alvin Esau, eds., (Winnipeg: Legal Research Institute of the University of Manitoba, 1991), pp. 63-83.

33 “The Farmerette,” Daily Poem, Niagara Falls Review September 13, 1945, p. 4.

34 AO, OFSF, “Procedure for Guidance of Camp Staff Members,” 1950.

35 Ambrose, “Cartoons and Commissions”; and Hanlon, “Fair Soldiers of the Soil.”